G20: Media, ‘particularly the Herald Sun’

An article in today’s Herald Sun (Australian Open chiefs slam brawl, Ellen Whinnett and Mark Buttler, January 17, 2007) — regarding local youths’ impromptu re-enactment of the Balkans War at the Australian Open — confirms what has been known for some time: the corporate media is an arm of the state. According to the report: “Police will examine media images of the violence to try to track down those responsible. Officers yesterday contacted Melbourne newspapers and TV stations. Police used media images to investigate the violent chaos at November’s G20 summit. Some of the 11 arrested were identified through media images, particularly from the Herald Sun.”

In other news:

Protester faces court
Charmaine Camilleri
Moonee Valley Community News
January 16, 2007

A 25-YEAR-old Moonee Ponds woman charged over protests at the G20 summit faced the Melbourne Magistrates Court last Thursday. [XYZ] appeared at a filing hearing charged with riot, affray and criminal damage. She has been scheduled to reappear on May 11 in the same court for a committal mention. Operation Salver detectives recently charged three more people — including a 19-year-old East Brunswick man and a 17-year-old male — over the protest. Police have now charged 11 people over the protests in November.

By my count, police have arrested and charged ten — not eleven — individuals. In addition to the above-named woman — whose name was previously suppressed, along with those of a 17 year old youth and a 19 year old male arrested last weekDanya Bryx, David Caldwell, Rosalie Delaney, Julia Dehm, Dominic Richardson, Akin Sari and David Vakalis have also been arrested and charged for a variety of offences allegedly committed during the course of the protests last November.

Of course, it’s possible that the identity of the eleventh person arrested and charged as a result of the protests has simply not been publicly released. Or that legs eleven is Drasko Boljevic. Only problem is Boljevic appears not to have been in Melbourne at the time of the protest, and that police, in a case of ‘mistaken identity’, unlawfully arrested and assaulted the wrong man (or alternatively, a “Fucking bastard” who should “Shut the fuck up” and “Get the fuck out of this city”; and whom police allegedly declared that they would bash should he refuse their helpful advice).

Posted in Media, State / Politics | Leave a comment

New(ish) documentary film on Sacco & Vanzetti

    On this day: Rosa Luxemburg murdered by the Freikorps, 1919; fascists form coalition in European Parliament, 2007.

    Red Rosa now has vanished too,
    Where she lies is hid from view,
    She told the poor what life is about,
    And so the rich have rubbed her out.

    May she rest in peace.

The two Italian-American anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, framed and murdered (August 23, 1927) by the US state, are the subjects of a new documentary film by filmmaker Peter Miller. Their case has obvious contemporary resonances — especially in relation to those held in the US torture camp in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba; including, of course, Australian citizen David Hicks — whether as demonstration of the (US) state’s ability to arbitrarily kidnap, imprison, torture and execute designated enemies; as exercises in (US) state power which serve to terrorise recalcitrant populations and intimidate opposition to the (US) state’s institutional practices (war and exploitation); or as demonstration of the (US) state’s ability to flout (inter-)national laws. It can also be read as evidence “of the dangers of pitting civil liberties against national security, and of the fear of militant foreign ideologies”; which is what Saul Austerlitz maintains:

New film connects ’20s trial, 21st century
Saul Austerlitz
Boston Globe
January 14, 2007

Sacco and Vanzetti argues that the events it documents are a perfect illustration of the dangers of pitting civil liberties against national security, and of the fear of militant foreign ideologies. Images of Muslims in shackles mingle with 1920s footage of police raids on Italian radicals, illustrating the common thread of political intolerance and racial or religious prejudice.

Through a combination of archival material, interviews with experts, and dramatic readings of the accused men’s words (with John Turturro as Vanzetti, and Tony Shalhoub as Sacco), Miller’s documentary tells the story of their lives, their trial, and the efforts made to save their lives. If this sounds like the formula for a Ken Burns film, Miller has the credentials: he produced Burns’s Jazz and Frank Lloyd Wright

According to the film’s producers, Willow Pond Films:

SACCO AND VANZETTI is an 80-minute-long documentary that tells the story of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, two Italian immigrant anarchists who were accused of a murder in 1920, and executed in Boston in 1927 after a notoriously prejudiced trial. It is the first major documentary film about this landmark story.

As far as I’m aware, the film has yet to be released in Australia, though local leftist publisher Ocean Press has recently issued an anthology of largely historical writings, edited by John Davis, on the lives (and murder) of the two anarchists as part of their ongoing series on ‘Rebel Lives’. There is also a wonderful audio documentary available, published by The Journal of MultiMedia History (Charles Zappia, ‘Sacco and Vanzetti’, Vol.2, No.1, 1999), from which the following letter from Vanzetti to Alfonsina Brita is drawn:

Dear Alfonsina,

I heartily laughed to hear that the fingernails of the little cat have scratched Zora’s nose, and I continue to laugh every time I think about it. Surely, it is a good lesson not only for Zora and other child, but for mankind. The little cat knows very well it has a sharp nails, and that when a little girl molests it, it is enough to scratch a little her nose for be let free. People too have sharp fingernails, and the noses of tyrants and oppressors is make of flesh too. Oh, how much less sorrowness and misery would be among the mortals if they know just what a little cat knows.

    Sacco and Vanzetti’s story was also the subject of a prior film, Sacco E Vanzetti (1971), and (sadly now-departed) anarchist historian Paul Avrich (1931–2006: PDF obituary) wrote about The Anarchist Background (Princeton University Press, 1991) to their lives. See also : Mumia Abu-Jamal’s Freedom Journal: Updating the Campaign to Free Mumia! | Leonard Peltier: The Case of Leonard Peltier
Posted in Anarchism, Film, War on Terror | Leave a comment

Robert Anton Wilson : 1932–2007

Author Robert Anton Wilson, once alive, is now dead.

Posted in Uncategorized | 1 Comment

Greece vs. America?!?

[Update : The activities of naughty Greek anarchists (in smashing state-sponsored police CCTV cameras) is further mentioned in an AP report, U.S. experts examine footage of Athens embassy attack caught on camera, International Herald Tribune, January 16, 2007. According to the report, “In the pre-dawn attack, which apparently targeted the blue and white embassy seal, the anti-tank weapon smashed a window and damaged a third-floor toilet. It was the first major strike in Greece by suspected left-wing militants on a Western target in six years. Police blame Greek left-wing militants, but there have been no arrests and no statement from any group”. Which fact tends to contradict the assertion that the attack was the responsibility of Revolutionary Struggle…]

Anarchists own up (ekathimerini.com, January 12, 2007):

“Self-styled [shit — is there any other kind in the minds of bourgeois pundits?] anarchist group Revolutionary Liberation Action claimed responsibility yesterday for a series of arson attacks on three banks and the offices of New Democracy in Patissia, central Athens, earlier in the day. Branches of Eurobank, National Bank and Geniki Bank were damaged in separate attacks across Athens in firebombings using cooking gas canisters. No one was hurt in the incidents which all took place around 3 a.m. The group said that the attacks were made in support of three convicted anarchists [arrested at the May 6 Fourth European Social Forum protests in Athens] who have launched a hunger strike“; [Bombs & Shields].

The US Government-sponsored MIPT Terrorism Knowledge Base* describes RLA as “a small group that [prior to these latest incidents] has claimed responsibility for two arson incidents in Greece” (in October 2002 and December 2003), and which “mimic[s] the actions of many other short-lived groups that sporadically appear in Greece. Most of these groups are comprised of 18-25 year old men that [allegedly] voice support for [the now defunct, as a result of a series of successful Government prosecutions prior to the Olympic Games in Athens] 17 November in order to express their general discontent with their government or position in life.”

Another, Marxist mob, calling itself Revolutionary Struggle, has generated vast amounts of media reportage following its attack upon the US Embassy in Athens on January 12. The group successfully struggled to launch a rocket at the Embassy in an action which Malcolm Brabant of BBC News Athens has predictably ‘analysed’ as an example of ‘Greek anti-Americanism‘ (January 12, 2007) and whom, in a rare concession to reality, has noted that “Many Greeks will have reacted with satisfaction to the dawn rocket attack on the US embassy in Athens”, further noting that this reaction is in turn a product of long-standing US Government support for military dictatorship (1967–1974) and authoritarian rule in Greece, as well as the current slaughter in the Gulf.

    *”The Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT) is a non-profit organization dedicated to preventing terrorism on U.S. soil or mitigating its effects. MIPT was established after the April 1995 bombing of the Murrah federal building in Oklahoma City, and it is funded through the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Grants and Training (G&T).” US state-sponsored terrorism does not exist as far as the MIPT is concerned, natch. See also : ‘Anarchist group detonates devices next to ND office and embassy car’, ekathimerini.com, December 22, 2006; one of a large number of similar actions that are rarely reported in the Western corporate/state media.

…And in @-Infos news just to hand:

Today, January 13, 2007, police attacked the anarchist and anti-authoritarian motorbike demo in solidarity with the three comrades arrested at the Social Forum on May 6, 2006 in Athens. The demo was attacked by special motorbike forces (Z team) on the way back from Nikea hospital, where there had been a solidarity gathering for two of the imprisoned comrades — Tarasio Zadorozni and Gerasimos Kiriakopulos — who are on hunger strike.

The (anti-)riot police squads (MAT) then stormed the comrades on the ground: 42 were taken into custody at the national security police headquarters in Athens, many of them injured, and 4 of them are still being held 9 hours later.

Tarasio Zadorozni and Gerasimos Kiriakopulos have been on hunger strike for 46 and 28 days respectively, and were transferred from Koridalos prison to a secure unit in Nikea hospital on January 9 as their condition had deteriorated.

They have been held in prison since May 6, 2006 along with another demonstrator, Kostas Kachadouras, accused of rioting during the international anti-war demo of the European Social Forum in Athens.

The imprisoned demonstrators of May 6 are 3 of the thousands of people that took to the streets that day when riots erupted between the forces of repression and anarchists and young rebels, and attacks were made against state and capitalist targets. The police arrested 17 demonstrators who were accused on (trumped-up) heavy charges, and 3 of them have been held in prison awaiting trial without any evidence against them (with the political consent of the traditional leftist parties and groups) so that they can be punished, and serve as an example to those who choose to resist without mediation or institutional representation.

The struggle that those on hunger strike began for their freedom, using their body as a weapon, has now become the terrain on which a general conflict between the state and those who fight it is being expressed.

It is about an attack in which the state, using all the repressive mechanisms of propaganda and control in its power, is attempting to isolate and eliminate anarchists and anti-authoritarians, who are the most radical part of social resistance, with the surrender of the whole of society as its final objective.

Under these conditions of intensifying state terror, every action of solidarity with the imprisoned fighters has been under attack. The aim of this repression is not only to keep the 3 in prison as long as possible, it is also to eliminate the very dynamic of solidarity, self-organisation and resistance against the plans of the state and the bosses.

So, on January 12, the police attempted to prevent the solidarity demonstration that had been organised by anarchists and anti-authoritarians. The order was pronounced by the chief of police forces present, stating that he had instructions from the prosecutor; but this was subverted by the persistence of the demonstrators and finally a strong demo was held in the centre of Athens.

The attack on today’s demonstration (January 13), with the arrests and the wounded, is the peak of this repressive violence, showing the state’s intent to bury the struggle of those on hunger strike in silence, to terrorise those in solidarity and attack the development of the anarchist struggle.

What has preceded today’s events: the arrest of an anti-authoritarian comrade outside his home following the motorbike demo to the house of the minister of justice; intensive provocation and pressure by the Z motorbike police squad on another motorbike demo to Koridalos prison on December 15; a police attack on the New Year’s Eve motorbike demo on its return from the prison (that resulted in many comrades being taken into custody and one arrest), and, on January 9, the surrounding by (anti-)riot police squads of a radio station which had been occupied by 50 anarchists in order to transmit solidarity messages and news of the hunger strike.

AGAINST the attempts of the state to isolate the struggle of our imprisoned comrades who are on hunger strike behind a wall of silence;

AGAINST the constant repressive attacks against anarchists and anti-authoritarians, aiming at their isolation and annihilation;

AGAINST the attempt to impose social acquiescence;

WE ARE TAKING OVER THE POLYTECHNIC UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS!

AND WE DEMAND:

THE IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF OUR 4 COMRADES BEING HELD IN THE NATIONAL SECURITY BUILDING FOLLOWING TODAY’S ATTACK BY POLICE AGAINST THE SOLIDARITY MOTORBIKE DEMO;

AND

THE IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF THE IMPRISONED PROTESTORS OF MAY 6, 2006!

By taking over this University building we are creating a place of constant counter-information and solidarity within our city, an attempt that is operating horizontally and against all hierarchy, on the basis of the occupiers’ general assembly.

No repressive action will extinguish our solidarity with our imprisoned comrades, or prevent the social struggle for liberation from the chains of Authority.

THE PASSION FOR FREEDOM IS STRONGER THAN ANY PRISON CELL!

SOLIDARITY TO THE HUNGER-STRIKERS:

TARASIO ZADOROZNI (SINCE NOVEMBER 29 2006)

AND

GERASIMOS KIRIAKOPULOS (SINCE DECEMBER 15 2006).

IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF THE 3 IMPRISONED PROTESTORS OF MAY 6!

THE IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF OUR 4 COMRADES WHO ARE BEING HELD IN THE NATIONAL SECURITY BUILDING FOLLOWING TODAY’S ATTACK BY POLICE AGAINST THE SOLIDARITY MOTORBIKE DEMO!

SOLIDARITY TO ALL IMPRISONED AND ACCUSED SOCIAL FIGHTERS!

FREEDOM TO ALL THOSE IN PRISON CELLS!

SOLIDARITY IS OUR WEAPON!

Assembly of the Occupied Polytechnic University (January 13 2007, 7pm).

PS. At the time of writing the four arrested have been set free, one with serious chest and back wounds, and many stitches in the head. The occupation continues…

Posted in Anarchism, Anti-fascism, History, Media, State / Politics, War on Terror | 4 Comments

Blockbuster Video: Wow! What a difference!

[Update : Hoon hunt targets ringleaders, Catherine McAloon, The Age, January 15, 2007: “Police say they are determined to catch 40 to 50 ringleaders of a violent rampage that followed an illegal burn-out meeting in Melbourne’s south-east early on Saturday… Detective Senior Constable Mark Robertson of Dandenong Criminal Investigation Unit (CIU) said the intensity of the violence was unprecedented [sic] in Melbourne. “The streets of Melbourne have just never seen anything quite as extensive as this. We’ve had the G20 issues and obviously the WEF (World Economic Forum) issues three or four [ie, seven] years ago, but as far as suburban violence is concerned, certainly to my knowledge this is the first that we’ve seen anything of this nature,” Detective Robertson said.” Peter Brown (councillor, Keysborough South ward, City of Greater Dandenong) has offered support to Mick Armstrong‘s theory regarding the completely foreign nature of the violence, speculating that the 40 or 50 babies in prams are from the Sudan. Or possibly New Zealand. Or England. Or Germany. Or Sweden. Certainly not Australia. And even then, probably from interstate. Or, at least, the north-western suburbs. Armstrong added that “Middle class students who attend The University of Melbourne should offer no comfort to these crazies. We should do whatever we can to isolate them. They are wreckers. If they grow in Australia it will simply make it harder to build a revolutionary organisation that can participate in mass struggles, draw lessons from past victories and defeats and convince the working class of the way forward to socialism. As well as illegally race cars.”]

Inspired by the sight of G20 protesters racing cars in the CBD last November, yoof in Noble Park went on a wild rampage Friday night. Police believe that babies in prams acted as ringleaders in the orgy of violence, and Mick Armstrong‘s knee has issued a statement identifying the babies as being foreign in origin, part of an international ‘baby bloc’ that has caused mayhem in cities throughout Europe. Marxist University students — should they be aware of its existence — have been advised to steer well clear of the area, and medical authorities have issued health warnings advising the general public to report immediately to their local police station should they show any signs of the ‘hoon plague’.

Independent investigators have since confirmed the link between local hooligans and the filthy fucking foreigners, believed to have their secret headquarters, naturally enough, somewhere overseas. Other revolutionary socialist parties have speculated that the trigger for Friday night’s violence was the result of the fact that ‘Someone spray-painted graffiti on the basketball court wall in Noble Park [USA] on December 12 [2006]. The scrawlings read “CCUG”, “West Side 4 Life”, “DOPE!” and “Camo Classic Underground”.’ Counter-terrorism experts at the Australian Homeland Security Research Centre have also since confirmed that the likely motivation for the assault on Blockbuster was the company’s notorious decision in 1989 to refuse to stock Martin Scorsese’s award-winning film The Last Temptation of Christ, and have requested further Federal Government funding to explore the link between this decision and the riots in Seattle at the meeting of the World Economic Forum in 1998.

Mobs go on wild rampage
Carly Crawford and Kellie Cameron
Sunday Herald Sun
January 14, 2007

AUTHORITIES will launch a blitz against hoons in Noble Park in response to a night of violence and destruction.

Senior police last night unveiled plans to smash out-of-control mobs which have taken over streets and shop strips.

Chief Inspector Brian Graham said extra surveillance cameras and traffic obstacles would be installed, illegal parkers forcibly moved on and hoons’ cars seized.

The Sunday Herald Sun exposed the hoon plague in Noble Park last week.

About 50 police were undermanned and outgunned when they were attacked with bottles, rocks and flares in the outer southeastern suburb early [Saturday morning, January 13].

The officers had gone to the corner of Princes Highway and Elonera Rd where they tried to stop drag racers and move on a crowd of more than 1500 — some with babies in prams.

In the ensuing chaos, louts climbed traffic lights, rammed light poles and signposts, burned rubbish bins and went on a rampage that resulted in a video-rental shop being trashed and its products looted.

Police yesterday arrested six men and seized five cars. The plan to combat the anarchy was devised after officers met VicRoads and local councillors.

Chief Insp Graham warned that police would not hesitate to lock away cars.

“Have a think about whether you can afford to lose your car and have a think about whether, as a spectator, you want to put your life at risk standing there,” he said.

Victoria Police sent urgent reinforcements, including the dog squad, in a bid to quell the violence about 1am at the local McDonald’s. Management locked staff inside until the mayhem subsided.

Gail Harbour, who has lived in Noble Park for 18 years, said the hoons were doing “doughnuts” in high-powered cars.

“There was smoke everywhere,” she said.

“Everyone was clapping, people standing on a bus shelter, then someone started throwing flares into a passing car and on to the shelter itself.”

Ms Harbour compared the scenes with the recent G20 riots in the CBD.

“There was nothing police could do about it, the police just sat in their cars with their windows up.”

Police Association secretary Sen-Sgt Paul Mullet demanded a probe into the deployment of police resources.

See also : Police furious as illegal drags turn violent (ABC, January 12); Illegal burnout ‘show’ turns ugly (NEWS.com.au, January 12); Five face charges over burnout gathering (The Age, January 13); Burn-out crowd goes on the rampage (The Age, January 14).

Posted in !nataS, State / Politics | 4 Comments

Louis Adamic, Dynamite

CHAPTER ONE : Impudent Conduct

The struggle of the have-nots against the haves in the United States was first referred to as ‘class war’ in New York City by Frances Wright, “that bold blasphemer and voluptuous preacher of licentiousness”, as a conservative writer of that day called her; but at that time, and for some while afterward, the war was merely verbal. The fiery Fanny, with other reformers and uplifters then haranguing the young republic, contented herself with fierce and frequent blasts of eloquence denouncing the social and economic evils of the period.

There were, in the first quarter of the 19th century, a few strikes for higher wages and for the recognition of worker organizations, such as they were. The walkouts usually involved a dozen or a score of people, but they were, without exception, tame, peaceful affairs. So far as any records tell us, not a fist was lifted in any of them; strikers, it appeared, got even with scabs by calling them ‘rats’ and other bad names. Strikes were considered ‘conspiracies’ or ‘malicious enterprises’, coming under the old common law of England against interference with trade which continued in force in the United States after the revolution; and, more often than not, strikers were straight away arrested and fined or jailed and replaced by unorganized workers.

But that was no serious matter to the strikers. The country was young and vast beyond conception, and one could move on and very likely better oneself. The frontier lured the adventurous who found themselves at odds with the new industrialism in the east. In the west, land was to be had for the asking, at no expense save that of a journey, a few implements, and a beast or two. There was no sense in fighting for a job. And if one wanted excitement, the wilderness was full of Indians still to be killed.

Toward the end of the 1830s, however, immigrants — for the most part Germans, the Irish and the Dutch — began coming to the land of promise in considerable numbers, and thenceforth incidents of working class violence were frequent.

Conditions in Europe at that time were bad, and rising American industrialists who found native workers too independent in regard to wages and working hours sent agents to Ireland and to the Continent to lure the poor to the United States with fantastic tales of mountains of gold and unbounded freedom and opportunities. The Voice of Industry, a leading union and reform paper of that day printed in Massachusetts, editorialized indignantly against the “importation of strikebreakers” and charged the employers with providing themselves “against walkouts by creating a numerous poor and dependent populace… whose abject condition in their own countries made them willing to work 14 and 16 hours a day for what capital sees fit to give them”.

This indignation was justified. The majority of immigrants then, as later, were unskilled or lowly peasants. American employers, with the development of machinery and ever greater specialization of tasks in the shops, could use them advantageously, paying them low wages and working them before sunrise till after dark, to no small detriment of the native mechanics. American workers naturally resented the presence of these low Europeans — ‘dung’, they called them. Some of the trade unions, which were then coming into existence in Pennsylvania, New York and the New England States, eyed them with deeper dislike than the employers who were directly responsible for this class of immigration.

Foreign workers were employed in large numbers in construction gangs upon canals in New Jersey, New York, Maryland, and Pennsylvania at from $5 to $12 a month… They worked, too, at slightly higher wages, on railroads under construction. Often, when some overseer absconded with their money, they lost even these meagre earnings, and in such cases they had no legal redress. The canals and railroads passed through marshy regions, and the workforce often died of malaria and other diseases. But contractors found no difficulty in replacing the sick and the dead, for nearly every ship that arrived from Europe brought in more ‘dung’.

During the second quarter of the 19th century frequent ‘riots’ occurred, as the press called the disturbances. Most of them were spontaneous, unorganized, leaderless strikes for higher wages and better working conditions by these wretched foreign workers who were driven to desperation. The militia was often called out to quell the outbursts; people were killed and property destroyed or damaged.

In most of the riots the Irish predominated. The Germans, the Dutch and other immigrants were comparatively patient sufferers.

2

In 1836, a gang of Irish dock workers in New York City rioted for higher wages and for their “impudent conduct”, as a local newspaper put it, the police distributed among them “some severe and probably dangerous wounds”.

The Irish also took part in the riot at Allegheny City in the summer of 1814. The Pennsylvania reformers had just succeeded in inducing the legislators of the State to pass an act limiting the working day to 10 hours and forbidding the employment of children under 12 years of age in cotton, woollen, silk, paper and flax mills. This had displeased the up-and-coming manufacturers of Allegheny City very much. They immediately laid off 2000 operatives, who, living from hand to mouth as they did, could not afford to be jobless. Within two weeks most of them starved, or were on the verge of starvation.

One day, in their desperation, several hundred men, women and children tried to return to work on the old 12 hour basis, or upon any terms whatever. Such was their eagerness to get back to their machines and benches that they attempted virtually to break into the mills. The armed guards repulsed them; but before they returned home, a riot occurred at one of the factories in which several people were injured and some property was damaged. About 20 arrests were made; 13 of the rioters — five of them Irish — were convicted and fined, but the majority, unable to pay the fines, went to prison. A few days after the riot a settlement was made on the new 10 hour basis with a 16% reduction in wages.

The high-toned New York Journal of Commerce referred to the riots as “an exotic phenomenon in this country which has been imported with the dregs and scum of the Old World that we so much covet” and the supercillious Pennsylvanian called the rioters “foolish and hot-headed foreigners”.

3

Such were the extremely mild beginnings of violence in the class struggle in the United States — mild as compared with the violence that flared up with great frequency in the later decades of the 19th and early in the 20th.

Ignorant immigrants were ‘dung’ and ‘dregs and scum’, and were treated accordingly. They spoke with a variety of tongues; there were other important racial differences among them; and even if native union leaders and reformers had had any sympathy with their lot, which they lacked completely, organization among them would have been impossible.

In consequence, hunger and general wretchedness drove them to sporadic impudent conduct, which the fully American citizens of that day were perhaps justified in characterizing as a foreign phenomenon in the sense that only — or largely — immigrants were guilty of it. But the conditions which provoked them to riots were quite American; it was the American industrialists who imported these foreigners and then treated them inhumanly.

    Louis Adamic, Dynamite: A Century of Class Violence in America (1830–1930), Rebel Press, London, 1984 (1934)
Posted in History, State / Politics | Leave a comment

What are you, Deaf or something?

On Leftwrites, Jeff Sparrow has drawn my attention to an article by Lennard J. Davis, ‘Deafness and the Riddle of Identity’ (The Chronicle Review, January 12, 2007). It raises a number of interesting questions (see below) in relation to notions of identity, community, and (dis)ability; questions made all the more poignant by the recent production of a film, Welcome 2 My Deaf World, (nominated for an AFI Award in 2006 for Best Documentary) which chronicles the lives and experiences of two local deaf youths. (The film had its world premiere at ACMI in February 2006 — G’day James and Jen! — and screened on SBS in September; read Larissa Dubecki’s review.)

Bethany Rose and Scott Masterson are schoolmates, a pair of energetic and charming teenagers who share three things – adolescence, school, and deafness. We (the hearing) might see deafness as a disability to be cured. But to Bethany and Scott, their deaf world is a rich culture of human possibility, with its own language, rules, challenges and inspirations. Welcome 2 My Deaf World follows Bethany and Scott through the last few months of their schooling at the Victorian College for the Deaf (VCD), Australia’s first school [1860] for deaf kids, and now the only school that teaches in sign language from Prep to Year 12. With dreams of creative, sporting and academic success, both teenagers appear eager to move beyond their sheltered lives and enter the wider world. This documentary follows two teenagers on the edge of change, but it is also a story about what it means to be deaf in contemporary Australia. It is an exploration of a culture with its own language and history.

In reflecting on the making of the film (Paul Kalina, Listening in on the lives of deaf teens, The Age, September 7, 2006) the director, Helen Gaynor, says:

…she had never met a deaf person before making the documentary. The experience has prompted her to reassess how members of any mainstream group try, and often fail, to understand those who don’t belong to that group.

“I was shocked at how ignorant I was, and still am, about so-called disabilities. I was shocked at how little I knew about people who are considered disabled by mainstream Melburnians. I think what we can learn is that you need to tread very carefully when you’re interacting with people who come from a background that’s different from your own in terms of assuming that you understand their experience of the world.”

Deafness and the Riddle of Identity

Davis commences his essay by referring to recent (successful) student demonstrations at Gallaudet University — a ‘liberal’ arts university for the deaf and hard of hearing in Washington — regarding the unpopular choice of Jane K. Fernandes as President. As a result of their efforts — which culminated in the shutdown of the University, and which Davis writes “evoked in many people’s minds the student revolution of the 60s” — Fernandes was eventually given the arse (while students who participated in the protests face disciplinary actions on the part of University authorities, natch).

One of the issues Davis identifies in relation to the protest is the question of what actually constitutes a ‘deaf identity’; while Fernandes was criticised for a range of alleged failures, not being ‘deaf enough’ was, arguably, one of them.* As such:

…it might be useful to examine what deaf identity might be and how that identity fits in with current notions of other identities based on race, gender, sexual orientation, and so on. Even with all the recent hoopla about deaf issues, most people probably aren’t paying a lot of attention to what goes on within the deaf community. But the discussions there can point the way to a new and better understanding of identity in our postmodern world.

Davis then proceeds to explain the manner in which the deaf — based on a) the establishment of sign as a “genuine language” in the late 1950s and early 60s, and b) the adoption by some deaf of an activist model of community life (drawing on the legacy of the US civil rights movement) — came to constitute a distinct community (and culture). As a result of these and related developments:

The definition of the deaf as a colonized, ethnic, linguistic minority has in turn been widely accepted in deaf circles and taught for more than a decade in deaf-studies programs and at institutions like Gallaudet and the National Technical Institute for the Deaf.

He further argues that it was this conception, and its related practices — as embodied in institutions such as Gallaudet — that deaf students were defending. And while the existence of such a community brings advantages, it also brings problems: this “minority model of deaf identity is too crude, too rigid, too limiting”; it requires policing, and can lend itself to exclusionary politics and practices. Thus:

If deaf people are defined as only those who are native users of ASL [or its equivalents], you have to define all nonusers of ASL as “other”. That excludes, or at least marginalizes, deaf people who are orally trained… [those who] have cochlear implants; or never had the chance to learn sign language… [and other ‘others’, which in the end] brings us back to some notion of deafness as a biological impairment.

So much for the ‘linguistic model’ (language-centred conception) of deaf identity; but the ‘ethnic model’ (kinship) too, has problems: “In this ethnic-group model, just as in the linguistic model, there is an in-group and an out-group”, and a hierarchy of deafness is established. “Those most ‘in’ are deaf-on-deaf people, that very small percentage (perhaps only 5 percent of all those born deaf) who come from a deaf family, that is, whose parents were born deaf.” The existence of modern, digital communications technology also complicates matters, effacing the divide between the deaf and the non-deaf;** so too, the absence or presence of stereotypical modes of behaviour associated with ‘being deaf’, and the incommensurability of the notion of being deaf as constituting an ethnic group in the absence of an ethnos:

…an ethnos, a people, is the idea of an extended kinship system. People within an ethnic group are related not only by language, history, and culture, but also by a family structure that passes along a genetic inheritance. But the vast majority of deaf people do not come from deaf families.

After noting some of the other, more properly ‘political’ problems with the ethnic model of deaf identity (ones revolving around the law and strategies for securing rights), Davis, appropriately enough, welcomes us to the concept of deaf identity in relation to the existence of a deaf world or culture; however the “problem with [such] terms is that they are too general and too elastic”.

So, where does all this leave us? In conclusion, Davis writes:

I am arguing that defining the deaf or any other social group in terms of ethnicity, minority status, and nationhood (including “deaf world” and “deaf culture”) is outdated, outmoded, imprecise, and strategically risky. We would be better off expanding our current notions of identity by being less Procrustean and more flexible. Rather than trying to force the foot into a glass slipper, why not make a variety of new shoes that actually fit?

In that scenario, for example, people who are “one generation thick” could find commonality. So people with disabilities, deaf people, gay people, and children of deaf adults could say: We represent one potential way out of the dead end of identity politics. We are social groups that are not defined solely by bodily characteristics, genetic qualities, or inherited traits. We are not defined by a single linguistic practice. We need not be defined in advance by an oppressor. We choose to unite ourselves for new purposes. We are not an ethnic or minority group, but something new and different, emerging from the smoke of identity politics and rising like a phoenix of the postmodern age.

Omnia sint communia

    “What we are dealing with on campus is anarchy and terrorism.”

    Jane K. Fernandes in an email to the Gallaudet Board of Trustees, October 2006

In many ways, Davis’ essay is a rehearsal — a valuable one — of several decades of debate regarding the nature of identity; one informed by post-modernist insights, but one taking place on the somewhat unusual stage of contemporary debates in relation to deaf identity and deaf politics. And, in some ways, he ends at the same point at which he starts: inconclusively. Nevertheless, I think that the suggestion that who ‘we’ are is a reflection or a product of the way/s in which “we choose to unite ourselves for new purposes” is a highly productive means by which to examine identity. The political implications of such a perspective are also obviously the subject of much debate, but from my own, broadly anarchist perspective, I think that it points to the centrality of social struggle to the establishment of not only identity — conceived of as being centred on the individual subject — but, moreover, the communities which you-and-I inhabit and, through our individual and collective efforts, attempt to transform according to our perceived needs and desires.

For example, the struggle of students at Gallaudet regarding who is to assume the position of President at their University I find to be an inspirational one, not only because of the degree of political militancy and consciousness it expresses — a factor which hearing students, including those in Australia, could actually learn from, should they choose to open their hearts and minds — but also the manner in which it raises vital questions of democracy and political representation. In that sense, questions regarding who is ‘deaf’ and who is not, who is ‘in’ and who is ‘out’, are ‘political’ not only in the sense that they revolve around ‘identity’ but, moreover, in the sense that they raise questions regarding the political terrain on which they take place: broadly speaking, terrain we might refer to as ‘the commons’:

The commons are the universal heritage of people and all living things. They are everything needed to support healthy life on earth: air, water, food, shelter, health care, energy sources, and our genes. They are what is needed to sustain culture: our multicultural heritages, education, information and the means to disseminate it, essential human services, public spaces, and political space. They are equally the land, its forests, the oceans, and all ecosystems. In sum, the commons are everything that we inherit jointly and freely, and hold in trust for future generations.

And I raise my hands in support.

To be continued…

* Fernandes, according to Davis, learned to sign later in life, and is a user of (American) Pidgin Signed English; a rough equivalent to speaking the English language, but with a thick or heavy accent (think Borat).

** “Further complicating definitions of deafness are all things digital. Deafness ‘disappears’ in cyberspace. While using the Internet or pagers, for example, deaf people do not use language much differently from anyone else. In the blogosphere, we are all bloggers, whether we are deaf or not.”

    See also : DEAF IN THE CITY (Joseph Rainmound) on the Gallaudet protest | Deaf Blogs (Australia) | Rants Of A SlakBasterd [!] | Sound and Fury: 2001 US film by Joseph Aronson exploring the controversy surrounding cochlear implants: “Cochlear implants may provide easier access to the hearing world, but what do the devices mean for a person’s sense of identity with deaf culture?”
Posted in Film, State / Politics, Student movement, Television | 13 Comments

Huh?

Hey Tessa!

Posted in Uncategorized | 1 Comment

Granddaughter Of Upside-Down Corpse Heils The Dawn Of A New Europe

Fascist parties in the European Parliament have declared their intention to form a bloc on January 15, called “Identity, Sovereignty and Transparency (IST)”. According to the EUObserver: “Under EU rules, there need to be at least 20 MEPs from six different member states for a political group to be formed”; a prospect secured by the recent entry (January 1, 2007) of BULGARIA and ROMANIA into the EU.

The new kids on the block — Национален съюз Атака (National Union Attack, one member) and the Partidul România Mare (Greater Romania Party, five members) — are likely to be joined by:

    AUSTRIA (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs / Freedom Party of Austria, one member);
    BELGIUM (Vlaams Belang / Flemish Interest, three members);
    FRANCE (Front National / National Front, seven members);
    ITALY (Azione Sociale / Social Action, one member; Fiamma Tricolore / Tricolour Flame, one member);
    and the UNITED KINGDOM (the ‘independent’ Ashley Mote).

Some of the political flavour of the new grouping may be found in The Guardian‘s report (Romania’s first gift to the European Union – a caucus of neo-fascists and Holocaust deniers, Ian Traynor, January 8, 2007):

In France, the group’s prospective leader [Bruno Gollnisch] has been barred from teaching at his university and is awaiting a court verdict for questioning the Nazis’ mass murder of Europe’s Jews.

His Bulgarian colleague brags that his country has the “prettiest Gypsies” and says he knows where to buy 12-year-old Gypsy brides for “up to €5,000” (£2,250).

Then there is the Polish professor [from the Liga Polskich Rodzin / League of Polish Families, nine members] who uses public office to pay tribute to General Franco, the late Spanish dictator.* Or the intellectual strategist of an Austrian party whose ideology, according to a Vienna court, is similar to that of Hitler’s “national socialism”.

Why a bloc?

“It is more a technical than a political group,” Alessandra Mussolini, the granddaughter of the upside-down corpse, told APA.

“We are mainly getting together out of necessity. Survival is only possible in a political group,” she added, referring to the fact that groups have a right to more funds and political positions in the European Parliament, something non-attached MEPs do not have.

On a brighter note, Jon Mooallem (Over My Dead Body, The Nation, October 19, 2005 (November 7, 2005 issue)), reflecting on the cultural and political uses to which celebrity corpses, such as those of Il Duce and Marliyn Monroe, are put, writes that:

Those who wanted to preserve Il Duce‘s majesty had their work cut out for them. The image of his capture was not a flattering one. He’d hidden under a blanket, disguised in a Luftwaffe overcoat, and was dashing off to Switzerland with purses full of several currencies — “not to mention his girlfriend,” one anti-Fascist noted, who “had stuffed precious stones into the seams of her underwear.”

Undermining Mussolini’s legacy, by contrast, wasn’t very difficult. Mussolini’s corpse was an emblem, after all, a hunk of bloated flotsam washed up as the political tide swiftly changed. Fascism and Nazism were in their death throes everywhere. An entire political system was being discredited and regretted. Luzzatto notes how the killing in Piazzale Loreto proved a canny perversion of Il Duce’s fervent mass rallies in Rome’s Piazza Venezia — an adoring mob now a vicious mob, the taunt of “Let’s hear your speech now” calling up his extraordinary prowess as an orator, and “a body attacked with fury both equal and opposite to the passion it inspired when alive.” After hanging there like a side of meat, Italy’s Ox was suddenly rumored to have been syphilitic, impotent and meagerly endowed between the legs. “When the leader dies,” Luzzatto writes, “the myths so vital in his lifetime are turned upside down; the charisma is transformed into a deep flaw.”

*Speaking of Poland, the Polish Prime Minister, and member of the virulently homophobic League, Jaroslaw Kaczynski — also the identical twin brother of Polish President Lech Kaczynski — was outed as a homosexual in major Polish media in October, 2006. According to The Gully (November 10, 2005):

Not to be surpassed by his twin brother, Party boss and presumed closet case Jaroslaw recently announced that “homosexuals should not be allowed to teach.” Earlier he had told the weekly Ozon: “The affirmation of homosexuality will lead to the downfall of civilization. We can’t agree to it.”

The source of the allegations regarding Jaroslaw’s homosexuality (and presumed desire to destroy ‘civilization’), interestingly enough, is the same agency Bishop Stanislaw Wielgus once worked for: the (gasp!) Communist Secret Police (Służba Bezpieczeństwa Ministerstwa Spraw Wewnętrznych / Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs). As is seemingly routine for members of the cloth, Wielgus first denied (December 21) ever having worked for the Polish Secret Police, but just a few weeks later (January 7, 2007) was forced to admit the truth and to resign his position as the newly-appointed Archbishop, especially as the evidence was both undeniable and — moreover — threatened the Church hierarchy as a whole. Since then, according to Craig S. Smith, writing in The New York Times (January 10, 2007), ‘In Poland, New Wave of Charges Against Clergy’:

Most researchers who have delved into the archives of the Sluzba Bezpieczenstwa, or Security Service, estimate that thousands of the country’s priests, monks and nuns at the time — as many as 10 percent of the total — collaborated with the secret police to some degree [but]…

Perhaps the most explosive assertion by people in the church is that the taint of collaboration was known for decades but kept quiet out of respect for — or perhaps even at the behest of — the Polish-born Pope John Paul II, who died in 2005.

Fucking hypocrites.

Open your mouth, and speak up for the dumb,
Against the suit of any that oppose them; open your
Mouth and pronounce just sentence, and give
Judgment for the wretched and the poor.

Proverbs 31: 8,9

Posted in !nataS, Anti-fascism, History, Sex & Sexuality, State / Politics | 7 Comments

Deregistered Political Parties

Huh. The death of political parties is good news in the context of a social revolution; not-so-great news in the context of a constitutional monarchy / parliamentary democracy…

On Crikey, Stephen Mayne reports that the AEC has recently de-registered a whole swag of political parties, by reason of the ‘Application of Schedule 3 of the Electoral and Referendum Amendment (Electoral Integrity and Other Measures) Act 2006‘. Mayne reckons that this “must surely go down as one of [HoWARd’s] lowest acts”, which should give you some idea of his priorities, as well as his attachment to People Power. Anyway, for what it’s worth, the parties that — as of December 27, 2006 — have been de-registered are:

1) Christian Democratic Party (Fred Nile Group);
2) Citizens Electoral Council of Australia;
3) Citizens Electoral Council Australia (NSW Division);
4) Help End Marijuana Prohibition;
5) Hope Party Australia;
6) liberals for forests;
7) New Country Party;
EIGHT) No Goods and Services Tax Party;
9) Non-Custodial Parents Party;
10) One Nation Queensland Division;
11) One Nation Western Australia;
12) People Power;
13) Progressive Labour Party;
14) Queensland Greens;
15) Republican Party of Australia;
16) Socialist Alliance;
17) The Australian Shooters Party;
18) The Fishing Party;

and last, but by no means least

19) The Great Australians.

The AEC helpfully provides an infosheet on its site, which purports to explain the legal gobbledygook found in the Act. In plain English then:

Schedule 3 of the Electoral and Referendum Amendment (Electoral Integrity and Other Measures) Act 2006 (the Amendment Act) operates to de-register those political parties without current or past representation in Federal Parliament

What is the rationale for de-registration?

The Parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters made a number of recommendations for change to the Act in its ‘Report of the inquiry into the Conduct of the 2004 federal Election and Matters Related thereto’.

Chapter 4 of the Report included recommendations to address apparent confusion on the part of electors over party names. The recommendation for de-registration of certain parties was adopted by Parliament…

Posted in State / Politics | 7 Comments