NSW State Election : Results

As expected, Labor has been returned with a slightly reduced majority, losing one seat (Lake Macquarie) to an Independent and one seat to the Nationals (Tweed). And John HoWARd’s really really really close friend Pru Goward has won the seat of Goulburn.

    NSW State Election 2007 Guide according to everyone’s favourite psephologist Antony Green.

In the (safe Tory) seat of Cronulla, Australia First came Last, John Moffat receiving 1,193 votes (3%) of 43,950; only narrowly defeating Ian Formal on 1,013. Warren Feinbier of Australians Against Further Immigration, meanwhile, received a few dozen more votes with 1,299 (3%).

In The Gold Coast Bulletin (‘Australia First cadidate [sic] rates his chance of election low’, March 1, 2007), it was reported that Little Mister Moffat ‘expects to attract at least 10 per cent of the primary vote in a consciousness raising exercise, waking people up to what he terms as the coming catastrophe of becoming “Asianised”.’ If AFP’s vote is added to that of AAFI, and if these votes can be read as expressing a shared fear of Asians, 6% of voters in a safe Tory seat voted in support of racist candidates. Beth Smith, the religious right candidate (Fred Nile‘s Christian Democratic Party, CDP) received 1,963 votes (Hallelujah!), or 5% of the total, while Greens candidate Naomi Waizer received 7% (2,948 votes).

On the other side of the political spectrum, the results for the Socialist Alliance and the Socialist Equality Party have been even worse: Pip Hinman (SA) in Marrickville received 666 votes (2%) and Patrick O’Connor (SEP) just 216 votes (1%) of a total of 45,540. (Ian Formal received 1,340 votes.) In Wollongong, SA candidate Jess Moore received 591 votes (1%) of 45,217, and in Heffron, James Cogan (SEP) received a similarly small number, just 875 votes (2%). However, the worst result for the socialist candidates appears to have been achieved in Newcastle, where Noel Holt (SEP) did really really really badly, acquiring just 110 votes (0%).

In the Upper House (Legislative Council), SA received 12,525 (0.38%) of a total of 3,280,997 votes (electors enrolled on March 5, 2007: 4,374,029), thus soundly defeating not only Dawn Fraser (2,469 votes) but the Human Rights Party (11,883 votes) and Save Our Suburbs (9,111 votes). Their next task will be to leap ahead of the Horse Riders Party / Outdoor Recreation Party which, with just 19,416 votes (0.59%), is surely do-able come the next state election in 2011.

On the other hand, Terry Cook and Nick Beams — “a leading figure in the Australian and international socialist movement for more than three decades” — appear to have failed to obtain any result at all, ‘cos Beams and Cook (and Divjak and Jobson and Symonds and Head and Zabala and Hopperdietzel and Robinson and Hood and Klindo and Plater and Lohr and Christian and Redzovic) got stuck in Group D on the ticket. Well, sorta:

Another anti-democratic electoral mechanism has prevented the SEP’s Legislative Council slate from appearing “above the line” on the ballot paper. To choose candidates in the upper house, voters can either select their preferred party or group above the line, by simply marking “1” in the relevant square, or they can mark a minimum of 15 boxes for individual candidates listed on the lower half of the ballot paper. Most people choose to vote above the line as it provides the least complicated means of selecting one’s preferred party.

The SEP, however, has been forced to list its candidates below the line because NSW electoral laws require those above the line to allocate a preference for another party or group. The official pretext is that for a vote to be valid in the upper house, a minimum of 15 candidates must be selected. Since the minimum number in a Group is 15, if one or more candidate dies before election day, a group may end up with fewer than the minimum number of candidates. This argument is entirely spurious, because there are 65 members in the upper house, and the 15-candidate requirement is completely arbitrary…

Posted in Anti-fascism, State / Politics, Trot Guide | 2 Comments

Baron von Hund removes his tinfoil helmet?

‘Baron von Hund’ — ie, David Innes when he’s not playing Dungeons & Dragons on Stormfront — has recently decided to retire from the public eye; presumably in order to pay more attention to the restoration of the Order of the Temple — ie, real life. Innes’ two most public promotional activities were his monthly BBQs, held at his house in south-eastern suburban Perth, and, more recently, his weekly Internet radio show, Chunder Down Under. (Innes also maintains a website, a kind of ‘White Supremacism For Beginners’, the history of which is rather amusing too.)

Innes’ decision to remove his tinfoil helmet is a somewhat noteworthy development.* That’s because he — along with his brother Paul (‘Steelcap_Boot’) and partner Lilith (Peterson) — have for the last few years been doing as much as their meagre talents will allow them to promote the expansion of “Mister” Don Black‘s (see below) business into the local racist market. Thus April’s BBQ — “Remember it’s not just a BBQ, it’s an event!” — was planned to feature speechifying by Der Baron, access to a library of neo-Nazi muzak (ie, Innes’ CD collection), racist texts (with words as well as pictures), and various other forms of racist and fascist propaganda, much of it peddled — potatoes and melons wholesale prices straight from the lock-up — by his bonehead brother Paul. Oh, and a “range of meats and beverages for all appetites”! All in a ‘safe, secure and private’ (sic) location.

“Christ, if that doesn’t get you excited about coming to the April BBQ — what the hell will?”

Well, nothing, now that it’s cancelled.

For fans of ex-KKK Grand Dragon/Wizard (1974–1978) David Duke‘s rantings and ravings, this is a severe blow… although obtaining a copy of Duke’s Finderskeepers, “the advice book for women Duke published under a female pseudonym [‘Dorothy Vanderbilt’] in 1976 which included instructions on vaginal exercises, fellatio, and anal sex”, would undoubtedly be a coup.

In addition to praising the virtues of Black’s business plan and distributing racist and fascist propaganda (both in Perth and other parts of Australia), Innes’ kkklan has embarked on an informal plan to establish what racists in the United States refer to as a P.L.E., or “Pioneer Little Europe” — ie, the creation of new territories for occupation by Europeans of short stature. Well, I think. (Christian Kerr may know more.) Whatever: it’s doubtful whether the expressed desire for lebensraum will provide sufficient motivation for Innes and his little kkklan to leave their loungerooms in the Perth foothills.

Don Black

Besides being the subject of the most cringeworthy forms of deference by local racists, Don Black is a Florida businessman, owner and chief administrator — Hauptverwalter — of the Stormfront website. He is also an ex-KKK leader (1978–1987), having assumed the leadership of the groupuscule David Duke left to pursue his ongoing campaign to make himself more palatable to the tastes of a less crazed audience. Black himself is probably most notorious for his unsuccessful attempt to overthrow the government of the [island of Dominica] in 1981. According to Matthew Lauder, ‘Operation Red Dog: Canadian neo-nazis were central to the planned invasion of Dominica in 1981’:

On April 27, 1981, two Canadians, Wolfgang Walter Droege and Larry Lloyd Jacklin, along with eight Americans, were arrested in New Orleans by ATF, FBI, and US Customs agents in an early morning raid. Later, four more Canadians would be arrested, including Marion McGuire, James McQuirter, Charles Yanover, and Harold Woods. All of the Canadians and Americans arrested were members of the far right with the exception of Yanover and Woods. Yanover was a well-known Mafia crime figure from Toronto while Woods was a psychiatric patient in love with McQuire. Woods was arrested in Dominica after trying to break McQuire out of prison.

On Dominica, Patrick John, the former Prime Minister, Major Fred Newton, the commander of the army, three additional army officers, and two civilians (including Dennis Joseph, the former manager of the Dominican broadcasting service) were arrested. In total, more than 20 people were tried and convicted of conspiracy charges in Canada, the US, and Dominica.

The invasion, named Operation Red Dog by the mercenaries, was simple. The group of neo-Nazis planned to travel from New Orleans to Dominica on a chartered boat, land at night in rubber boats, meet up with John and his guerrilla force of disgruntled army veterans and Rastafarian rebels, and then lay waste to Dominica’s police force and political leaders. Contrary to Stanley Barrett’s analysis (1987), the primary purpose of the invasion was not to establish a base of operations for white supremacists, but rather to set-up a series of lucrative businesses including cocaine manufacturing plants, casinos, hotels, brothels, and a gun running operation. Considering the size of Dominica, which is only 300 square miles, and its military and police force, the coup was achievable…

If not actually achieved: weird shit, nevertheless, and the beginnings of a great Hollywood film script. Incidentally, while Black survives and even thrives by milking credulous white racists of their money, Droege does not, having been shot dead by a fellow cocaine addict named Keith Deroux on April 13, 2005: on June 16, 2006, Deroux was sentenced to 10 years jail after pleading guilty to manslaughter (Don Black served three years for his part in Operation Red Dog).

Innes’ decision — assuming it’s genuine; you can never tell with this mob — to cease both his chundering and his monthly BBQs has been accompanied by some wailing and gnashing of teeth on the part of the few dozen regular Australian Stormfront forum members who’ve noticed. It’s also been accompanied by aggrieved speculation as to why, precisely, Innes has decided to throw in the towel, and much applause for boofhead’s attempts to popularise a Dinky-Di version of David Duke’s cosmetically-enhanced nonsense locally.

Much of the angst being expressed by the (other) racists on Stormfront regarding Innes’ sudden and unexpected announcement that he’s taking his bat and ball home to suburban Perth (of particular note is Ben Weerheym‘s reference to ‘silly things’; presumably referring to his gang painting swastikas on a war widows’ retirement village) appears to revolve around their belated discovery that not only does the site and its politics attract individuals suffering all kinds of mental pathologies similar to their own, but also some who don’t. This is especially the case with regards the violent boneheads associated with Blood & Honour Australia, who appear to have played no small part in Innes’ downfall.

The Stormfront mob’s incomprehension at the nature of their own milieu would be amusing if it wasn’t equally evidence of the pathetic nature of their political narrow-vision; not to mention the extent to which it relies on a desperate and never-to-be-fulfilled phantasy of White racial supremacy. While this obviously serves a necessary psychological function for the teenage boys who flock to it, it really doesn’t form the bestest foundation for a social movement. As for political parties, the party of choice — Australia First — is led by the son of Lebanese migrants.

* Well, I noticed anyway; but then I, like John Safran, find Stormfront to be both entertaining and informative. John Safran to the Grand Dragon of the KKK: “I’m whiter than Hitler. I’ve got blonde hair and blue eyes and Hitler had brown hair and brown eyes. At school I’d be the one beating up Hitler for being a wog”.

Posted in !nataS, Anti-fascism, Media, State / Politics | 2 Comments

600

Fuck me.

600 posts.

What’s the point?

Dunno.

But a funny thing happened on the way to the cemetery…

When the police
When the police come for me I go to Rio
De Janeiro, my-oh-me-oh
I go wild and then I have to do the Samba
And La Bamba
Now I’m not the kind of person
With a passionate persuasion for terrorism
Just communism
So I give in to the rhythm
And my feet follow the beatin’ of my hear-eart…

On March 17 in Brazil, Italian authorities, in collaboration with Brazilian and French authorities, as well as Interpol / Team America (Fuck yeah!), captured a leftist-terrorist-turned-crime-writer named Cesare Battisti, a former member of Armed Proletarians for Communism. Great name eh? (Italian PM Romani Prodi, on the other hand, is quoted as stating that Battisti was a member of the Red Brigades; ‘Leftist Italian militant arrested in Rio’, The Age, Reuters, March 19, 2007.) Battisti himself reckons that, while he was an armed proletarian fighting for communism, he never shot anyone, instead confessing that “I am guilty, as I have often said, of having participated in an armed group with a subversive aim and of having carried weapons. But I never shot anyone” (‘French police say Brazil has arrested Italian fugitive’, International Herald Tribune AP, March 18, 2007; also ‘Militant turned crime writer caught in Brazil’, Staff and agencies, Guardian UnLiMiTeD, March 19, 2007).

Having had his right to asylum in France revoked in 2004 by a right-wing gub’mint, Battisti fled to Brazil. To Rio. de Janeiro. My-oh-me-oh.

…Battisti was convicted in absentia and sentenced to life in prison in Italy in 1990 for the murders of a prison guard and a [fascist] butcher in the late 1970s. The conviction was confirmed by Italy’s high court in 1993. He is accused of being an accomplice to two other murders, including the killing of a police officer.

As it happens, the police officer in question, Luigi Calabresi, was considered responsible for the murder of Giuseppe Pinelli (October 21, 1928 — December 15, 1969), an anarchist, railway worker and activist with the Anarchist Black Cross; most recently under assault by Norwegian authorities. Calabresi was shot to death outside his home on May 17, 1972.

    Of course, Pinelli’s murder served as the inspiration for not only a police murder — allegedly committed by Lotta Continua — but also a play: The Accidental Death Of An Anarchist by trouble-making, Nobel Prize-winning Italian playwright (and Leninist) Dario Fo. On January 22, 1997, three men — Adriano Sofri, Ovidio Bompressi and Giorgio Pietrostefani — were given 22-year sentences after being found guilty of his murder. Bompressi’s sentence was stayed on the grounds of ill-health, Pietrostefani was not ‘found’ by authorities (2003), while Sofri has become a cause célèbre. Read more about Il Caso Sofri here. An Amnesty International report on justice, Italian-style — including a reference to not only Sofri, but the police murder of Carlo Giuliani in 2001 in which the judge overseeing an inquiry into the murder “concluded that a pistol was the only means which the first officer had at his disposal to confront the demonstrators’ violent attack; that, after waving his pistol in warning, he had fired the fatal shot but had not aimed at Carlo Giuliani but into the air, and that the shot’s trajectory was deflected by a chunk of plaster thrown by a demonstrator” — is, um, here. You can also read one of Sofri’s essays ‘On Optimism’ here. Oh, and Fo talked a little about Il Caso Sofri in his Nobel Prize acceptance speech (December 7, 1997):

    “Recently, I took part in a large conference with lots of people where I tried to explain, especially to the younger participants, the ins and outs of a particular Italian court case. The original case resulted in seven separate proceedings, at the end of which three Italian left-wing politicians were sentenced to 21 years of imprisonment each, accused of having murdered a police commissioner. I’ve studied the documents of the case – as I did when I prepared Accidental Death of an Anarchist – and at the conference I recounted the facts pertaining to it, which are really quite absurd, even farcical. But at a certain point I realized I was speaking to deaf ears, for the simple reason that my audience was ignorant not only of the case itself, but of what had happened five years earlier, ten years earlier: the violence, the terrorism. They knew nothing about the massacres that occurred in Italy, the trains that blew up, the bombs in the piazze or the farcical court cases that have dragged on since then.”

Pinelli’s arrest, one of a number of mass arrests following the bombing (which police immediately blamed on local anarchists) and subsequent murder by police 72 hours later (Pinelli was thrown from a fourth floor window at a Milan police station) was triggered by a bombing at the Piazza Fontana on December 12, 1969, which killed 16 people and injured 84 (or possibly 90). The bombing was conducted by members of the Ordine Nuovo (New Order), acting under the instructions of the Italian secret service, and was one of a number of fascist ‘outrages’ committed during this period in Italian history, the most bloody of which was the Bologna train station bombing on August 2, 1980, in which 85 people were killed and over 200 injured.

In 2001, Italian courts sentenced three men — Carlo Maria Maggi, Delfo Zorzi and Giancarlo Rognoni — to life imprisonment for the Milan bombing. “A fourth defendant, Carlo Di Giglio, who was alleged to have been a CIA informer at the time of the bombing, turned state’s witness and received immunity from prosecution” (‘Trio get life for 1969 Milan bombing’, CNNNN, June 30, 2001). CIA complicity in the case is not surprising, as it — and its predecessor the OSS — have been busy in Italy since the 1940s, doing what the CIA does best.

As it happens, the three fascists had their sentences overturned in 2004. As for Battisti, there’s still some possibility of his continuing to reside in Brazil, as it “has a long history of allowing political fugitives to remain in [the country], and the Supreme Court said Battisti could possibly escape extradition if he is granted political refugee status. But he would still face extradition if the high court concludes that the crimes he was accused of were acts of terrorism” (‘Brazil gives Italy 40 days to request extradition of fugitive’, International Herald Tribune, AP, March 20, 2007).

See also : ‘Brazil holds runaway Italian terrorist’, Tom Phillips (in Rio de Janeiro), The Guardian, March 20, 2007; ‘La Ballata del Pinelli’ (J. Fallisi, 1969); Stuart Christie, Stefano Della Chaie: Portrait of a Black Terrorist, Anarchy/Refract, 1984; Tom Behan, Dario Fo: Revolutionary Theatre, Pluto Press, 2000.

Posted in Anarchism, Anti-fascism, History, Music, State / Politics, War on Terror | Leave a comment

Josh Wolf // Tasneem Khalil

Don’t fight the new media : A new organization agitates for journalists’ rights
Josh Wolf
San Francisco Bay Guardian
March 22, 2007

When I first found myself incarcerated, there were six other journalists in the United States under the threat of imprisonment for practicing their profession. They have since all been spared the unfortunate fate of incarceration, but at the time it seemed that the press was under a full-scale attack, and it was necessary to develop a united front to defend against the growing tide of corporate and government repression.

As a result, Free the Media was born. In its function as an online and meet-space organization, Free the Media is intended to help organize and agitate whenever and wherever the free-press guarantees under the Constitution are threatened.

The forum is also focused on exploring the complex issues and controversies that continue to develop within this changing media landscape. Finally, it is my hope that Free the Media can serve as an open platform to bring people together in order to work on the development of new media solutions that will help ensure a healthy and resilient independent press for years to come.

The face of the media is in flux right now, and it’s still unclear where this current is headed. While some professionals in the field are resistant, I’m inclined to welcome the expanding landscape. Though there has never been a shortage of reporters, market influences have resulted in countless stories being neglected in favor of more popular fodder. With the recent surge of self-published and independent online journalism, the stories that are not economically viable finally have the opportunity to see the light of day.

These new, developing voices are more diverse than perhaps ever before, and the stories they tell are often more intimate and compelling than anything a professional outsider can deliver. At last those voices that are often silent, the disenfranchised, can be heard without the aid of a brave, insightful editor of a major newspaper.

Twenty years ago Peter Sussman of the San Francisco Chronicle began publishing accounts from inside the Lompoc federal penitentiary by Dannie Martin. These firsthand reports allowed the newspaper’s readership an opportunity to vicariously experience life in prison. Today through prisonblogs.net, 10,000 Dannie Martins could conceivably contribute to the discussion with their own unique perspective on incarceration.

The media is changing. This we know for sure. But what remains to be seen is the role professional journalists will take in developing this new landscape. Will the battle lines be drawn with two classes of warring voices, or will we work together in solidarity to develop a massive chorus as diverse and eclectic as our society itself? As journalists, is our commitment to an economic system, or is it to the pursuit of the free flow of information? The power is in your hands. Choose wisely.

    Josh Wolf, a freelance videographer, has been in federal prison for more than 200 days, making him the longest-imprisoned journalist in US history. Last week the Freedom of Information Committee of the Society of Professional Journalists honored him with a special citation; Wolf, for obvious reasons, was unable to accept the award in person, but he sent along this piece.

Don’t trust blogs, Malaysian minister tells press
[AFP]
The Age
March 21, 2007

A Malaysian minister has told domestic newspapers not to quote from Internet blogs or use them as sources of information, accusing the websites of spreading rumours, reports said Wednesday.

Information Minister Zainuddin Maidin said most websites were aimed at being provocative and were run by frustrated journalists and political pundits, the Star daily reported.

“Do not quote them because you are disgracing yourself as you are the authority. Do not give credit to such anarchist websites,” Zainuddin was quoted as saying…

Judging by the embargo placed on reportage of Wolf’s case by the Australian media — despite the fact that Wolf is the longest-imprisoned journalist in US history, and one whose plight is recognised by a number of journalistic associations in both the United States and elsewhere — the Malaysian minister is correct. Don’t trust blogs, and certainly don’t report on bloggers going to prison. Instead, join with the police and the state in criminalising dissent.

And speaking of (anarchist) blogs and journalism, see also Tasneem Khalil. He writes on Bangladesh for Anarchists and welcomes you to Modhupur: ‘…best described by an independent observer as: “An open laboratory where the adivasis are the guinea pigs suffering endless experimentations at the hands of the forest department, multi-national corporations and their guardian institutions, the church, Bengali settlers, and the department of defense.”‘

Sound familiar?

Posted in Media | 3 Comments

Community Assembly @ Preston Motors

Community Assembly
8-11am
Thursday, March 22

@

Preston Motors
1551 Sydney Rd
Campbellfield
[Melways: F7, map 7]
Tel: (03) 9358 3100
Fax: (03) 9359 5627

    “please contact us for any enquiries or comments you have and we will be happy to discuss them with you.”

Urgent update, March 19 : Management at Preston Motors has threatened to sue striking NUW (National Union of Workers) members. Union Solidarity will not put up with this sort of intimation of ordinary rank and file members. We urge all of our supporters to attend future community assemblies.

Over 30 workers working in the spare parts/stores section of Preston Motors began a strike on Tuesday, March 13, over the company’s continued refusal to negotiate a fair wage increase.

Further information : NUW Press Release | Preston Motors workers strike, Tony Iltis, Green Left Weekly, #703, March 21, 2007

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

G20: Another account

Below is the account of a person arrested in Sydney last week. I stole it from arushandapush, and I’m re-publishing it here ‘cos I think it deserves a wider audience, and maybe it will receive one by my doing so. The author states that it represents their opinion and their opinion only, and that it was written without the advice or assistance of any other person.

See also : Obituary | Tanya Reinhart (1944–2007) | “A versatile Israeli academic, she spoke out against the conflict with Palestine” | Victoria Brittain, The Guardian, March 21, 2007 ::: In Memoriam: Tanya Reinhart | “Tanya’s was a vital and rare Israeli voice that never wavered when it came to criticizing Israel’s systematic violations of Palestinians’ rights, including making a professional sacrifice by contributing to the discourse over the academic boycott of Israel” | The Electronic Intifada, March 19, 2007

Dear friends, family, colleagues and comrades,

On Wednesday the 14th of March, 2007, I was woken at 6am by 8 armed men and women who had demanded entry to my family home. These men and women identified themselves as police officers from a range of police organisations: NSW Police, Victoria Police, Federal Police and counter-terrorism agents. 2 other officers in dark clothing and gloves came around the back of the house — I assume to cover any attempted escape — and 1 officer filmed everything on a digital camera.

The police explained that they were raiding my house in relation to protests that I had attended in Melbourne last November. These protests had occurred in relation to the G20 economic forum that was held in Melbourne at that time. After seizing clothing and my university backpack, I was officially arrested and taken to Surrey Hills Police Station.

Similar arrests have occurred to some 48 other students and activists around Australia over the past 4 months. (I have heard of cases where the process of arrest has led to serious personal injuries, significant property damage, loss of jobs and in one case an individual was locked up for a month without bail.)

This arrest is the second time that I have experienced the force of Victorian counter terrorism agents in relation to this protest. On the night of the protests in Melbourne (18/11/06) I was snatched by roughly 8 unidentifiable men and forced into an unmarked white van as I attempted to walk with friends away from the protests.

Without identifying themselves the men in the van tied my hands behind my back, forced me to lie face down on the floor of the van and proceeded to interrogate me, punching me repeatedly in the face if I didn’t answer their questions quickly enough and once for accidentally calling one of them ‘mate’.

[See also : Drasko Boljevic]

This is the first time I have talked about this publicly, apart from with close friends, family, my lawyer and an officer who photographed my injuries and bruising at the police station. I have been too afraid of antagonising the police further and having this happen again…

…now it has happened again.

There is one point I would beg you to consider after hearing about what has happened.

This is not just a story about me, or a story about Melbourne.

The arrests that have resulted from the Melbourne protests are not an isolated example of new policing techniques. This is not simply a case of protesters taking things too far and police having to hunt down and arrest the criminal thugs responsible. This is not an occasion when things went ‘wrong’ in isolation.

Riot police and counter-terrorism snatch squads present in Melbourne in November, have also been deployed at the ‘Free David Hicks’ rallies around Australia, anti-VSU (Voluntary Student Union) rallies in Sydney, anti-war demonstrations, global warming awareness campaigns and marches against industrial relations changes. Police surveillance and undercover “snatches” are occurring on university campuses with alarming support from university administration and security forces. Without counting the G20 arrestees, over the last year and a half at least three dozen students at Sydney University alone have been arrested and charged in court for protesting, some multiple times. Less than a handful of these cases were for any activity more serious than refusing to move away from the protest, and the large majority didn’t even resist arrest.

And yet they spend sometimes over a year going through the court processes, and face the possibility of criminal records.

This policing also occurs at the same time as media organisations are increasingly controlled by fewer and fewer powerful parties, and the public broadcasters such as ABC and SBS are attacked for posing political questions. Academic and scientific communities are frequently raising alarm about government policing and censuring of their findings. Military and intelligence leaders are personally attacked for speaking about military tactics or concerns that do not match those of the government.

Recent books such as Silencing Dissent [Clive Hamilton & Sarah Maddison, Allen & Unwin, 2007] and Do Not Disturb [Robert Manne, editor, Black Inc, 2005] are essential reading and provide countless statements and examples that even public service officials are fearful of speaking truthfully about the current political situation in Australia, and the world.

Protesters are not the only people who worry about the state of the world.

YES – the protests in Melbourne made striking front-page photographs.

YES – there was a lot of passion, anger, verbal and physical expressions of dissent.

YES – normally this dissent is not expressed in such a public manner.

But NO – this was not an example of random violence or thuggish behaviour.

I went to the G20 protests to have my dissenting voice heard. The response has been extreme repression, inter-state anti-terror raids, media stigmatisation, public ridicule and jail sentences.

We are concerned citizens, concerned students, concerned human beings… A world without people who speak up is not a safer world for anybody to live in.

Posted in State / Politics, Student movement, War on Terror | Leave a comment

G20: Sydney four in Melbourne court

The four men arrested as a result of terrorism squad raids in Sydney last week appeared before the Melbourne Magistrates’ Court yesterday. All four were bailed to re-appear on May 11. One, Daniel Jones, was “ordered to submit to forensic photography of his mouth, which detectives said was required for identification purposes” (‘Accused G20 rioters appear in Vic court’, [AAP], The Age, March 20, 2007).

Why?

According to a report in the Herald Sun (Elissa Hunt, ‘Mind gap, riot court told’, March 20, 2007), “Sen-Det Paul Topham gave evidence that Mr Jones had distinctive front teeth with a large gap and had been identified from footage of the riots, where he allegedly threw a street pole and yelled abuse”.

Pretty bizarre stuff, but not quite as bizarre — or as funny — as another Herald Sun journalists’ account of the protest rally held outside of the court in solidarity with the accused. After remarking upon the otherwise unremarkable appearance of the four (they were dressed neatly for court), Terry Brown (‘G20 sideshow must go on’, March 21, 2007) uses his hands and feet to recount the following:

But outside, other G20 co-accused and well-wishers put on a different fashion show. With piercings enough to send a metal detector into meltdown, about 20 dressed to impress. One had 14 metal pieces protruding from his head, and possibly others behind big, dark shades. Another, with purple Sideshow Bob hair, had 10, including a screw-in cup hook. Green hair, safety pins, hard-core lesbian badges [oo-er!], leather stud belts, dreadlocks, hand-painted red skulls — a bit of everything.

Call me crazy, but it reads like Brown’s true passion lies in fashion.

On a more serious note, one sung by Patrick O’Connor (SEP candidate for Marrickville, NSW; ‘Anti-terror police raid homes of Sydney University students’, WSWS, March 20, 2007):

Last week’s highly provocative raids by anti-terrorism police on a number of University of Sydney students underscore the real political agenda behind the so-called war on terror. The bolstering of the state apparatus through a series of draconian “anti-terror” laws has been centrally aimed not at protecting ordinary people from the threat of terrorist attack, but rather at suppressing political dissent and intimidating anyone considering challenging the government or the state…

The manner in which the five arrested Sydney residents were traced by the anti-terrorist police raises further serious questions. Following the raids, the University of Sydney’s Student Representative Council (SRC) submitted an official request to the university council asking whether it cooperates with ASIO, state or federal police requests for information on students.

SRC President Angus McFarland told the World Socialist Web Site that he had received information from a journalist that ASIO has a number of agents and informants targetting protest groups and political organisations on the campus. McFarland was also told that it was possible his phone and email conversations were being monitored. Surveillance has reportedly been stepped up ahead of the APEC summit due to be held in Sydney in September.

There is no doubt, however, that ASIO’s campus activities are driven by much broader concerns than just the APEC meeting. Ever since the agency was founded in 1949 to help contain post-war political unrest, ASIO has been notorious for its harassment, dirty tricks, and frame ups of government opponents and political dissidents, particularly those identified with the socialist movement. Amid escalating opposition to the war in Iraq and mounting disaffection and hostility towards the entire political establishment, the political police are anticipating and preparing for the radicalisation of broad layers of student youth. Last week’s raids in Sydney will no doubt be followed by further provocative police actions aimed at intimidating young people…

On a further note, the number of people arrested and charged by police in relation to the G20 protests appears to be fluctuating quite a lot if one follows reports. Thus the Herald Sun now claims 27 have been charged and AAP 29; while on January 22, AAP reported a total of 28 arrests… and there have been at least five more arrests in Sydney since then.

Oh, and while Josh Wolf, “a San Francisco freelance journalist who has been held in federal prison since August 2006 for refusing to turn over video he shot of a demonstration in San Francisco, will be honored with the Herbert Block Freedom Award” and $5,000 by The (American) Newspaper Guild according to Editor & Publisher (March 20, 2007), Australian hacks continue to completely ignore his case. See also : Jeffrey Dvorkin, Executive Director, Committee of Concerned Journalists, ‘Is Josh Wolf Defending Journalism?’, March 12, 2007.

Posted in State / Politics, Student movement, War on Terror | Leave a comment

Anti-fascism in Melbourne: 1990s

Introduction

In Melbourne, during the early- to mid-1990s, a number of campaigns in opposition to the establishment of a fascist presence in the city were conducted, largely in response to attempts by one, now-defunct group called National Action (NA). NA was formed in 1982, under the leadership of a man of Lebanese descent named James — later Doctor — Saleam. Following his imprisonment in May 1991 for organising a shotgun assault upon the home of Eddie Funde (then the ANC representative to Australasia) on January 27, 1989 — “[NA] members Jason Frost and Michael White… both implicated Saleam, telling the court he had given them a balaclava, gloves, a shotgun and eight dollars each for a drink to steady their nerves” — leadership of the group was assumed by a neo-Nazi from Adelaide called Michael (De) Brander, the son of Spanish fascist migrants.

    “Saleam was born [on September 18, 1955] in Maryborough, Queensland, of Lebanese migrant parents. He joined the Nazi Party (the National Socialist Party of Australia) in 1970. Two years later, aged 17, he was found guilty of fire-bombing a Maoist bookshop [East Wind] in Brisbane and put on a four-year good behaviour bond. He moved to Sydney and enrolled at university where he helped form National Resistance in 1977. That became National Alliance in 1978, attracting some old Nazis.

    In 1981, National Alliance merged with the Immigration Control Association to form the Progressive Nationalist Party. After that collapsed, Saleam and others formed [NA] in 1982 [and which was officially launched on Anzac Day, April 25]. In August 1984, Saleam was found guilty of insurance fraud; an appeal is pending [1989]. He was given a good behaviour bond for three years in 1985 as well as a $5,000 bond for possession of a prohibited article, namely a large nail-studded club.” ~ Lyndall Crisp, ‘Harvest of Hate’, The Bulletin, April 4, 1989

Northcote

One of the first public expressions of opposition to NA took place in Northcote in November 1993. Following a number of racist and homophobic assaults in the area, on November 20 a rally marching under the banner ‘Action Against Fascism’ took place. The demonstrators, who numbered about 130, met at the corner of Arthurton Road and High Street in order to scrub out racist graffiti in the area. A group of 6 boneheads heckled the crowd, but were then forced to flee when a segment decided to speak more directly with the boneheads regarding their political and racial anxieties. After a long chase, and a number of full and frank discussions, police eventually managed to secure their escape through Northcote Plaza (Jim Simmonds, ‘[Boneheads] row with marchers’, Herald Sun, November 22, 1993; ‘Protesters clash with neo-Nazis’, Northcote Leader, November 24, 1993).

Brunswick

Several months later, on March 5, 1994 — Brunswick Community Day — NA, with the support of AAFI, decided to hold a public rally at Brunswick Town Hall. NA spokesperson John Ruger claimed that the rally was intended to “oppose all efforts (including race-hate laws) to limit the rights of Australian nationalists” (Scott Whiffin, ‘High noon looms in Nazi showdown’, Brunswick Sentinel, February 7, 1994). Interestingly, Senior Sargeant Colin Barnes stated that the ISO was to blame for “bringing the National Front [sic] into Brunswick”; a reference to the previous action in November (which he also erroneously describes as having taken place in December; Rosemary West, ‘Forget the violence: family day plea to rivals’, The Age, March 5, 1994).

In reality, the background to the rally was a number of incidents of verbal abuse by boneheads of local community members (Muslim schoolgirls, Turkish women and others, including public transport workers); violent assaults (upon a Vietnamese man, a Somali man, a group of teenaged Asian schoolgirls and others, including a group assault upon a Maori man outside of a Brunswick pub); and a campaign of racist graffiti and vandalism (largely directed at local churches, businesses and the cars and residences of ‘known’ or suspected anti-racist and anti-fascist activists).

As it happens, on the day of the NA rally — which managed to attract just 30 or so boneheads, and which was again addressed, unsuccessfully, by Brander — almost 1,000 rallied in opposition. After coming under a barrage of rotten eggs and horse dung (one egg landed, quite spectacularly, in Brander’s mouth, footage of which featured as Goal of the Week on that week’s edition of The Footy Show), the neo-Nazis were soon forced to flee the site, under police escort, to a specially-commandeered city-bound train. And while Brunswick Mayor Glenyys Romanes expressed a desire for the media “to play it all down”, Peter Murray replied “…that’s all very well if you’re a white Anglo councillor, but it’s not very good for the Somali woman who, a few weeks back, had her arm broken by these thugs in Northcote” (Fran Cusworth, ‘Anti-Nazi rally voices its anger’, Brunswick Sentinel, March 21, 1994).

Note that during this period, the Sarah Sands Hotel on Sydney Road, Brunswick, acted as a venue for the neo-Nazis; a role which is now being fulfilled — with the support of a small number of local punks (notably Bulldog Spirit and Charter 77) — by the Birmingham Hotel in Fitzroy.

    Adelaide : In March 1994, NA also engaged in an infamous anti-Asian pogrom in Rundle Street Mall, when approximately 20 or so NA members, boneheads and their allies, shouting Nazi slogans and dressed in Nazi paraphernalia, assaulted 15 people. The injured were treated for broken bones, severe bruising and facial injuries, and one (Asian) man “was kicked more than 30 times about the head and body” (‘Neo-Nazi street rampage’, Herald Sun, March 28, 1994). Brander subsequently denied NA involvement, defended the racist mob’s actions, and was quoted as stating that “I don’t see neo-Nazis as being detrimental to our group” (Shane Maguire, ‘SA Gangs At Flashpoint’, Sunday Mail, April 3, 1994). A subsequent rally held on the steps of the Prospect Town Hall was addressed by Brander, accompanied by about 50 or so NA members and sympathisers, and Nazi marching songs. A crowd of several hundred, including a number of WWII veterans, assembled in opposition to the neo-Nazi rally.

Fawkner

The next few years were slightly quieter for NA in Melbourne, although both Barricade (which opened in February 1995) and a number of other groups and individuals were targeted for reprisals. This included an assault by Brander against a counter-protester at another NA rally outside Parliament House on March 18, 1995. (Brander was convicted in September.) Aside from internal disputes, their main stumbling-block was to be the emergence of The Wicked Witch of Ipswich, Pauline Hanson, who continues to dance her way around Federal and State politics, TV, and women’s magazines.

In January 1997, NA tried to establish a firmer presence in Melbourne by opening a bunker in Tyson Street, Fawkner. Several months later, on March 15, a demonstration protesting its appearance was organised by local Trotskyists (among others), many of whom had previously been involved in the protests in Brunswick.

As NA described it, the protest consisted of “communists, homosexuals and fringe malcontents”. NA, on the other hand, forewarned and forearmed (as Saleam might say), assembled on the roof of the bunker dressed in clown suits and — to the sound of circus music — threw lollies to (and shit on) the malcontents gathered below. The neo-Nazis also shared the rooftop with members of the Force Response Unit (FRU), armed with video cameras and a pathological aversion to the troublemakers below.

On the ground, police were also very much present: one antifa was arrested for allegedly assaulting a cameraperson who had refused his request not to be filmed. This arrest triggered a minor fracas in which another two antifa were arrested while attempting to prevent the police van in which the first had been placed from leaving the area. Having succeeded, police offered to release the first person apprehended if protesters agreed to piss off to a local park. The self-styled leadership agreed to this proposal, but — after having been pressured to by others present — the proposition was put to a vote. The overwhelming majority of protesters voted to remain until the antifa was released — and he was immediately thereafter. (To the best of my knowledge, the other two antifa arrested by police subsequently went to court and received fines for their misbehaviour).

The coalition Campaign Against the Nazis (CAN), which drew the support, among others, of local Labor MPs — including the ALP member for Wills, Kelvin Thompson, as well as Carlo Carli, ALP member for Coburg, Tony Sheehan, ALP member for Northcote and Doug Walpole, MLC for Melbourne West — organised further protests on April 19, May 31, July 12 and August 9, 1997; each one smaller than the last.

das Ende der Geschichte?

Tired of the protests, subjected to attacks from other, rival neo-Nazi groups, and unable to pay their rent, NA finally gave up and took their bat and ball home to Adelaide in April 1998; barely 15 months after they began. As for Brander, he enrolled at LaTrobe University and, having completed his MA in history, has since been welcomed with open arms by the ‘neo-conservative’ / reactionary Quadrant magazine, which re-published his MA thesis on ‘Alexander Solzhenitsyn and the West’ in the March 2005 edition. Brander also addressed a post-graduate conference organised by the University of Sydney in July 2005, and is currently alleged to be publishing a zine called Australian Resurgence. Interestingly, veteran racist Colin Wuttke stood for the SA seat of Ramsay in 2006 as an ‘Independent’ sponsored by ‘Australian Resurgence’; a long time between drinks for Wuttke, who last contested a seat in 1980.

Saleam, on the other hand, after his release from jail, attached himself to the white supremacist Australia First Party; and to this day remains their Fuehrer.

Heil!

Posted in Anti-fascism, History | 16 Comments

Against Me! // Banksy // Dropkick Murphys

“They think it’s funny / Turning rebellion into money” sang some dead bloke called Joe Strummer. If that’s the case, then Against Me! and Banksy must be in hysterics.

Against Me!

The guitarist, vocalist and lyricist for Against Me!, Tom Gabel — who once declared that (unlike all those awfully “spineless liberals”) Baby, I’m An Anarchist — now innocently claims that adverse reactions to the band’s signing with a major label (Sire/Warner Bros.) — still considered a cardinal sin among some — is because he doesn’t “necessarily want to be limited to just being [in] a punk band” and “[m]aybe people get upset about that — I don’t know.” Which makes about as much sense as claiming that the “endless accessibility of MP3s is helping turn music into more of a product that is being consumed and less of an art to be appreciated by fans” (‘Some punks are against Against Me!: Success mistaken for sellout’, Kevin W. Smith, The Arizona Daily Star, March 15, 2007).

Banksy

As for The Controversial Artist Banksy™, I didn’t know, and I’m not even sure I care all that much (you gotta pay the rent somehow), but his art is now selling for lots and lots of money to people like Angelina Jolie. She bought some of his stuff what she saw at a Barely Legal & Yet Extremely Lucrative exhibition of his in LA in September, 2006 for US$360,000. (Fecal Face has pictures.) Hello! Magazine reports that in October 2006 there was “frenzied bidding” for a series of Banksy’s portraits of Kate Moss, which sold for £50,400; while his “stencil of a green Mona Lisa with paint dripping from her eyes sold for £57,600”.

At Sotheby’s.

Christina Aguilera has also invested her money in a Banksy; three actually. But probably the best news for investors is the fact that in February 2007 some more of his stuff sold for lots more money:

Record price for Banksy bomb art
BBC
February 8, 2007

A picture of pensioners bowling with bombs by graffiti artist Banksy has sold in London for £102,000, breaking a record for his work. Bombing Middle England, which is made from acrylic and spray-paint on canvas, reached double its highest estimated price of £50,000 at Sotheby’s. The artist’s Balloon Girl also sold for £37,200, while another piece called Bomb Hugger fetched £31,200…

The previous highest price paid for one of the artist’s distinctive spray paintings was £62,400 in October 2006, when the image of a couple embracing clad in deep sea diving gear – which was used for the cover of Blur‘s Think Tank album – went for 10 times its estimated value at Bonhams. “It’s a sensational result,” said Elli Varnavides, head of the impressionist, modern and contemporary art department at Sotheby’s Olympia branch. “It’s a record for any Banksy sold at international auction.”

And while some dead Frenchmen may have postulated that:

The relation between authors and spectators is only a transposition of the fundamental relation between directors and executants… The spectacle-spectator relation is in itself a staunch bearer of the capitalist order. The ambiguity of all “revolutionary art” lies in the fact that the revolutionary aspect of any particular spectacle is always contradicted and offset by the reactionary element present in all spectacles.

The bottom line doesn’t lie… does it?

Dropkick Murphys

Finally, the “working class punk” band Dropkick Murphys will be playing at The Palace on Tuesday, March 27.

    How do you define working-class? What does it mean to be a working-class rock band?

    [Ken Casey, August 2003] I don’t know, it’s just how I was raised. I don’t offer a fancy definition of working class. But it’s something you’re born into. I have friends who have gone on to college and got great white collar jobs, but they’ll always be working class kids. By the same token, there are kids from rich families who move to a new city where nobody knows them, shave their head, get a job at a factory and go around talking about working class this and that; but they’ll never be. As far as we go as a band, working class rock band just signifies that we came from nothing.

The working class rock band that came from nothing (to be precise: Boston) will be sharing the stage with one of my (er) favourite local bands, Bulldog Spirit. What’s a little bit odd about this arrangement (made by Sydney-based touring company Blue Murder) is that the Dropkicks are not only “working class” but Irish-American working class and… well… while I’m conscious of legal threats, fact is, according to Doug’s ‘Bulldog Spirit Melbourne Tour Diary’ for Saturday, April 27, 2002: “When we played Dirty Ol’ Town, Adam says, in the height of good humour, ‘this o­ne’s for Ulster’ as I’m doing the harmonica intro…”.

Apparently, some bloke then asked Doug what Adam meant by dedicating a song to Ulster, to which Doug — not Adam — replied: “I told him there was nothing to it”; we are obviously expected to believe that dedicating a song — a song written by Shane McGowan of The Pogues — to Ulster, was a remark made at complete random.

    [Al Barr, February, 2001] If Barr looks at his band mates with a little respect, it’s nothing compared to the regard he gives former Pogues front man Shane MacGowan. With the spot of respect the Pogues hold as icons of Irish rock in the Dropkick Murphys’ collective heart, it’s not surprising the band would dream of collaborating with MacGowan. The dream was finally realized on the band’s latest album Sing Loud, Sing Proud (2001, Epitaph), where [McGowan] stepped in to do guest vocals for one track, “Good Rats”.

Angry and upset, presumably (and with good reason), this same bloke, according to Doug, then asked ‘Why do you have to be such a fucking girl?’:

I asked him ‘Did you just call me a girl?’ He said ‘yes’, so I responded accordingly with a quick headbutt to the nose… The sad thing about it is, someone said that the Ulster bloke’s mate was the guitarist from Vicious Circle. Along with Depression and Civil Dissident, they are o­ne of my favourite Aussie bands and I was looking forward to playing with them at the picnic. No hard feelings there I hope.

Dunno. But you’d reckon Blue Murder would be more careful regarding which bands Dropkick Murphys want to associate themselves with; especially a band like Bulldog Spirit, that flirts with right-wing elements and supports neo-Nazi venues. “Ironically enough, [Dropkick Murphys] has done tours to benefit the Anti-Racist Action group and participated in the Unity Festival to promote racial harmony.”

NB. ARA emerged in 1988 as a result of the efforts of skinheads in Minneapolis — in particular a group known as The Baldies — to combat the presence of boneheads in that city and in the neighbouring city of St. Paul in 1986. The first SHARP — Skin Heads Against Racial Prejudice — group formed in New York a year later, in 1987. And the rest, as they say, is history…

Posted in Anarchism, Art, Music | 2 Comments

Television, Drug of the Nation

Last week, almost two years after its completion, the ABC finally played Peter Vaughan’s doco The Last Valley, on the struggle to save the last remnants of old growth forests in East Gippsland (the kind my paternal grandfather logged further west). And in response, while Jim Schembri further confirms his reputation as an execrable reviewer in The Age (Vaughan “allows himself to get so entangled in the proceedings he ends up in the back of a police van”), a much more useful account of how the Victorian Government tried to sabotage the making of the film is available at Barista.

On Tuesday night, Foreign Correspondent has a feature by Emma Griffiths on fascism in St. Petersburg: ‘Russia – Hate Crimes’:

St. Petersburg is known as one of the most beautiful cities in the world — but there’s also a dark side. In recent years the significant community of international students from Africa, Asia and former Soviet Republics [and anarchists], has become the target of vicious attacks by neo-Nazis and extremist groups. More than 120 people have been murdered over the past three years and hundreds more injured, in racially [and politically] motivated violence. However, despite the increasing brutality, Moscow-based correspondent Emma Griffiths reveals an apparent reluctance [sic] of some authorities to bring the perpetrators to justice.

For more information on East Gippsland’s old growth, see Goongerah Environment Centre (GECO): “GECO is an independent grassroots environment organisation based in East Gippsland. We are dedicated to protecting the remaining old growth forests of the region.” For more information on Government-approved racist and fascist terrorism in St. Petersburg and other parts of Russia, see FSU Monitor: “The site for daily news, opinion, and advocacy on Jews and human rights in the former Soviet Union — a project of UCSJ: Union of Councils for Jews in the Former Soviet Union.”

Posted in Anti-fascism, State / Politics, Television | 2 Comments